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To the delight of his classmates, Michael Bloomberg has thrown his bank account into the 2020 presidential race. Bloomberg enters the Democratic primary as Joe Biden’s support sags and Peter Buttigieg’s rises, in some quarters. The billionaire boys club is banking on one of the Killer B’s to regain the White House.

The Democratic Party’s moneymen and their pundit servants are lost in a white fog. Even though the road to the presidency runs through the black communities of Milwaukee, Cleveland, Columbus, Detroit, and Minneapolis-St. Paul, they’re searching for the candidate who best appeals to middle-class white Midwestern voters. To end this racist foolishness, the Democratic Party should move its first primary to a state like Illinois, which better mirrors the country’s demographics.

Bloomberg is saturating the public with misleading ads that evade his major crime: stop and frisk. After defending the policy the New York Police Department instituted during his time as mayor as late as January, Bloomberg apologized in November. Lying, he claimed, “We certainly did not pick somebody by race.” Federal Judge Shira A. Scheindlin disagreed, ruling that “stop and frisk” violated racial minorities’ constitutional rights and amounted to a “policy of indirect racial profiling.” New York Times columnist Charles Blow said it best: “No black person — or Hispanic person or ally of people of color — should ever even consider voting for Michael Bloomberg.”

This may sting, but Biden’s record is worse than Bloomberg’s. Biden authored one of the worst bills in U.S. history — the 1994 Violent Crime Control and Law Enforcement Act — and pushed through another, 2005’s Bankruptcy Abuse Prevention and Consumer Protection Act. (For more on why Corporate Joe is a threat to black people, see my May 5 column.)

This brings us to South Bend, Ind., Mayor Peter Buttigieg, the most dangerous. The crowds at his rallies look eerily similar to Trump’s. Buttigieg seems to weekly antagonize black people. In 2015, he responded to Black Lives Matter by advocating “All lives matter,” police unions’ slogan. In an April interview on “Meet the Press,” Buttigieg avoided explaining why South Bend had not “pushed the envelope” toward becoming a sanctuary city, like neighboring Gary.

African Americans cite Buttigieg’s arrogance, privilege, inability to convey empathy and persistent lying as reasons they aren’t “feeling” him. Addressing Buttigieg’s arrogance, Henry Davis Jr., a former South Bend city council member and 2015 mayoral candidate, observed, “He was interested in what he thought, and he kept saying what he thought was the best for our community. ... He’s going to tell you that what you believe is true is not factual, and that his study and his understanding of it is better than yours.”

Johnnie Cordero’s experience mirrors Davis’. Like several other African Americans, the chairman of South Carolina’s Legislative Black Caucus, was included in a misleading list of 400 (mostly white) endorsers of Buttigieg’s Douglass Plan without his consent. In fact, Cordero expressed serious problems with it. He contends, “It’s presumptuous to think you can come up with a plan for black America without hearing from black folk.”

Buttigieg is the poster boy for white privilege. The pundits praise his intelligence but don’t similarly praise Cory Booker, also a Rhodes Scholar. Kamala Harris has far more executive experience. And Julian Castro was mayor of a city 15 times the size of South Bend. Only white privilege explains how a 37-year-old who, as Castro points out, “has a bad track record with African Americans on the issues,” emerges as the media darling in a political party dependent on black voters.

In response to Castro, Buttigieg simply lied. He claimed, “the black voters who know me best have returned me to office and supported me more the second time around than the first.” However, the data reveals he did worse among black voters in 2015 than in 2011. In 2015, he gained 5 percent in precincts that were 20-30 percent or 30-40 percent black but lost 2, 12 and 4 percent in precincts that were 40-50, 50-60, and 60-70 percent black, respectively.

Lying about black folk has become routine for Buttigieg. Despite hundreds of works on the role of structural racism in K-12 education, Buttigieg blamed the achievement gap on black youths’ lack of role models. Although his focus groups of uncommitted black South Carolinians stressed unfamiliarity, youth, meager experience and “lack of passion, anger and pizazz,” his campaign touted his homosexuality as the main reason black people weren’t supporting him. Due to repeated falsifications, Michael Harriot, a columnist for The Root, called him a “lying (expletive).”

The most damning criticism came from South Bend council member Oliver Davis, who endorsed Corporate Joe. Oliver Davis told the Rev. Al Sharpton, “If you look at the Douglas Plan and South Bend, the Douglas Plan has not been enacted in South Bend. ... Let it first be enacted in South Bend and then we can go from there.”

Buttigieg has a record, and it’s not good. A September 2017 study titled “Racial Wealth Divide in South Bend” found the wealth gap between blacks and whites in the city “is worse than it is nationwide.” Buttigieg’s economic turnaround excluded black people, 27 percent of the population. Worst of all, Buttigieg cynically contends that his sexual orientation sensitizes him to racial oppression but hypocritically argues that its main victims, black people, largely oppose him because of his sexuality.

Buttigieg is the worst, but all of the Killer B’s are threats to Afro-America.

Sundiata Cha-Jua is a professor of African-American studies and history at the University of Illinois and is a member of the North End Breakfast Club. His email is