Organized labor got a big win, but it’s anybody’s guess as to how big it is.

Voters last week approved an amendment to the Illinois Constitution that involves workers’ rights, although it’s not fully clear how.

The Associated Press explains that it “guarantees workers’ rights to organize and collectively bargain for wages and other employment issues.”

If that was all that is involved, it would be no big deal. Workers in the state’s public and private sectors have had collective bargaining rights for decades.

Reinforcing the statutory status quo via constitutional amendment certainly isn’t the best practice in terms of legislative policy. Still, it would be no big deal involving an issue that is not particularly controversial.

But there could be more involved. Much more? Little more? Who knows?

The courts will be wrestling with the meaning of the amendment’s lengthy, vague language forever.

But the people have spoken through their votes. What, exactly, are they saying?

Even the amendment’s staunchest backers don’t know or didn’t care what they were saying about the amendment’s meaning.

A spokesman for a pro-amendment committee said it will “protect everyone’s ability” to organize a union as well as prevent employer abuses.

“Specifically, you’ve seen a lot of abuses — Starbucks baristas or folks who might work at Amazon warehouse,” the spokesman said.

Here’s the problem with that statement.

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Starbucks and Amazon are private-sector employers. Federal labor law establishes private employer-employee collective bargaining rules. Federal law trumps state law.

So, contrary to the intentional impression given, Illinois’ new workers’ rights amendment will have no impact on Amazon or Starbucks employees.

They already can, of course, organize under federal law and have been — and will continue — to do so.

The amendment does prevent Illinois from joining the ranks of other right-to-work states, where employees are protected from being forced to join a union or pay dues in the absence of joining. But Illinois is a state dominated by the political muscle of organized labor, so that wasn’t going to happen anyway.

One area where the amendment will have an effect — perhaps a huge one — is in strengthening already muscular public employee unions. Why? Because it trumps hundreds of law currently on the books that set out the rules governing relations between public employers and public employees.

The amendment bars any law that “interferes with, negates, or diminishes the right of employees to organize and bargain collectively over their wages, hours, and other terms and conditions of employment and workplace safety.”

It also allows public employees to negotiate beyond wages, hours and working conditions to include “their economic welfare and safety at work.”

If “economic welfare and safety at work” are not included in traditional “wages, hours and working conditions,” what is included?

Some might hope that kind of language is so vague that judges will find it impossible to interpret beyond the usual rules. But those words must mean something to someone.

Vague laws are bad laws The parties to negotiation or litigation are entitled to a reasonable certainty as to what a law — let alone a constitutional amendment — means.

The Workers’ Right Amendment, doubtless by design, doesn’t provide that.

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